Saturday, November 20, 2021

The Führer’s Reply to Daladier (Berlin, August 27, 1939)

 The Führer’s Reply to Daladier (Berlin, August 27, 1939)

Dear Mr. Minister-President! I understand the reservations that you express. I, too, have never overlooked the great responsibility that is placed upon those who are put over the fate of the folks.

As an old front soldier, I know, like you, the horrors of war. From this orientation and knowledge, I have also honestly striven to eliminate all conflict matter between both our folks.

I once quite openly assured the French folk that the return of the Saar region would be the prerequisite for it. After this return, I immediately solemnly reinforced my renunciation of any further claims that could touch France. The German folk has supported this standpoint of mine. As you could convince yourself during your last visit here, it felt and feels no rancor or hatred in the awareness of its own bearing against the former valiant opponent. The pacification of our western border led to increasing sympathy, at any rate, on the side of the German folk, a sympathy that on many occasions showed itself downright demonstratively. The construction of the great western fortification, which devoured and devours numerous billions, simultaneously represents for Germany a document in the acceptance and setting down of the final Reich border. The German folk has thereby renounced two provinces which one belonged to the old German Reich, were later conquered again with much blood and were finally defended with even more blood.

The renunciation, as you must admit to me, your Excellency, not a tactical, outwardly displayed bearing, rather a decision that experienced its logical hardening in all our measures. You will not be able to relate to me a single case, Mr. Minister-President, in which we violated this permanent fixing of the German Reich order in the west through a single line or a single speech. I believed I had, through this renunciation and through this bearing, eliminated any conceivable conflict matter between both our folks, which would be able to lead to a repetition of the tragedy of 1914/18.

This voluntary limitation of German life claims in the west, however, cannot be interpreted as an acceptance of the Versailles Dictate in all other areas as well.

I have now really tried year after year to achieve the revision of at least the most impossible and most unbearable decrees of this dictate along the path of negotiation. This was impossible. That the revision had to come, was known and clear to numerous insightful men from all folks. Whatever one can bring against my method, whatever one believes one must hold against it, it must not be overlooked or disputed that it was made possible for me, in many cases, to find, without new blood-letting, solutions satisfying not only for Germany, rather, that through the manner of proceeding, I freed the statesmen of other lands from the obligation, often impossible for them, to have to take responsibility for this revision before their own folks; for anyway, your Excellency will have to admit one thing to me: The revision had to come. The Versailles Dictate was unbearable. No Frenchman of honor, not even you, Mr. Daladier, would have acted differently than I in a similar situation. I have now also tried in this sense to remove from the world the most unreasonable measure of the Versailles Dictate.

I have made an offer to the Polish government at which the German folk is shocked. No other than I could have dared it at all to set before the public with such an offer. Hence it could also be one time only. I am now deeply convinced that, if, especially from England, back then, instead of releasing a wild campaign against Germany in the press, inserting rumors of a German mobilization, Poland had been somehow urged to be reasonable, Europe could today and for 25 years enjoy the state of deepest peace. But first Polish public opinion was incited through the lie of German aggression, its own necessary clear decisions were made more difficult for the Polish government, and, above, then the view for the boundary of real possibilities was blurred through the then following guarantee promise.

The Polish government rejected the proposals. Polish public opinion, in the sure conviction that, after all, England and France would now fight for Poland, began to raise demands that one would perhaps be able to characterize as ridiculous insanity, if they were not so infinitely dangerous. Back then, am unbearable terror set in, a physical and economic harassment of the Germans numbering more than one and a half million in the regions separated from the Reich. I do not want to speak here about the atrocities that occurred. Solely that Danzig as well was increasingly made aware through the continued excesses of Polish authorities that it had apparently been surrendered beyond rescue to the arbitrariness of a power alien to the national character of the city and populace.

May I now allow myself the question, Mr. Daladier, how you as Frenchman would act, if, through whatever unfortunate outcome of a valiant struggle, one of your provinces had been cut off through a corridor occupied by a foreign power, a large city - say Marseille - was prevented from affirming France, and the Frenchmen living in this region were now persecuted, beaten, mistreated, yes, murdered in a bestial manner?

You are a Frenchman, Mr. Daladier, and I hence know how you would act. I am a German, Mr. Daladier. Do not doubt my feeling of honor and my consciousness of duty to act exactly so. If you now had this misfortune, which we possess, would you then, Mr. Daladier, understand, if Germany without any reason would stand up for it that the corridor through France remains, that the robbed regions not be allowed to return, and that Marseille’s return to France be banned?

At any rate, I cannot imagine, Mr. Daladier, that Germany would fight against you for this reason. For I and all of us have renounced Alsace-Lorraine in order to avoid further bloodletting; all the less so would we shed blood in order to maintain an injustice that would have to be unbearable for you, just as it would be meaningless for us.

Everything that you write in your letter, Mr. Daladier, I feel exactly like you. Perhaps precisely we as old front soldiers can most easily understand each other in many areas; solely, I ask you, understand this as well: That it is impossible for a nation of honor to renounce almost two million people and to see them mistreated on its own borders.

I have hence raised a clear demand: Danzig and the corridor must return to Germany. The Macedonian conditions on our eastern border must be eliminated. I see no way to be able to move Poland, which, after all, now feels itself unassailable under the protection of its guarantees, to a peaceful solution here. But I would despair of my folk’s honorable future, if under such circumstances we were not determined to solve the question one way or another. If fate thereby now again forces both our folks to combat, then there would still be a difference in the motives. I, Mr. Daladier, then fight for my folk for the correction of an injustice, and the others for the maintaining of the same. This is all the more tragic as many of the important men of your own folk have likewise recognized the senselessness of the solution back then as well as the impossibility of its permanent upholding. I am clear about the grave consequences that such a conflict brings with it. But I believe Poland would have to bear the gravest ones, for regardless of how a war over this question would turn out, the Polish state of today would be lost one way or another.

But that we should now allow both our folks to enter into a new bloody war of annihilation for this, is no only for you, rather also for me, Mr. Daladier, very painful. But as already noted, I see no possibility from us to be able to influence Po-land in a more reasonable sense for the correction of a situation that is unbearable for the German folk and the German Reich.

Joachim Peiper’s Final Struggle against Communism

 Joachim Peiper’s Final Struggle against Communism

by Gerhard Lauck (NSDAP/AO)

Joachim Peiper was born on January 30th, 1915 as the son of an officer’s family in Berlin.

He belonged to the Leibstandarte SS Adolf Hitler. In 1938, he became the adjutant of Reichsführer SS Heinrich Himmler. But as the war started, he wanted to serve at the front line. He commanded the 10th SS Leibstandarte A.H. company in Poland, Holland, Belgium and in France.

In 1941 he fought in Russia with the 3rd Panzergrenadier battalion of the SS Panzergrenadier regiment 2. He replaces the 320th infantry division of General Postel, encircled in Kharkov.

On March 19th 1943 he takes Bielgorod. In September 1943 he is in Italy. In November of the same year he fights for the Reich in Jitomir and with the 1st army breaks through the encirclement at Kamenets Podolsk.

Until October 1944 he fought at the West Front. On December 16th 1944 – under the command of Sepp Dietrich’s 6th Panzer army – he is at the spearhead of the offensive in the Ardennes with his 1st SS Panzer division L.A.H.

He advanced to La Gleize near Stavelot. Cut off from the rest of the army, he was encircled. But he could escape with his men, on foot and in icy cold, leaving back all the war material. Always fighting under Sepp Dietrich’s command, he battled the Soviets until the end, at the west of the Danube near Vienna. The same way in the alps at St. Pollen and Krems where he and his men finally surrendered to the Americans. He made it to SS-Obersturmbannführer and bearer of the Knight’s Cross with Swords.

After Germany’s capitulation this flawless, noble-minded and incredibly brave soldier was imprisoned, beaten and humiliated. He was accused of having ordered the execution of American POWs at Baugnez near Malmedy during the offensive in the Ardennes: Caught by the Kampfgruppe J.P., the captured U.S. soldiers were taken to a meadow to wait there for their transport to the front line. Peiper left back some of his men as guards. He himself drove at the head of his tanks far in front of the following troops to Ligneuville. As most of the Kampfgruppe troops arrived in Baugnez, the troops remained there chatted with their comrades left behind. A Spähwagen had a breakdown and was repaired. Suddenly a soldier sitting on a tank startled and noticed that some of the American prisoners had made use of their inattentiveness and wanted to flee. But a shot fired from his handgun caused panic among the prisoners who were running away in all directions. Submachine guns were used and 21 Americans shot while fleeing.

After the capitulation the men of the 1st SS Panzer division were tracked down and taken to the camp Zuffenhausen. 400 were transferred to the prison of Schwäbisch Hall near Stuttgart. Peiper’s troops consisted of mostly very young soldiers. One was 16, two were 17, eleven were 18 and eight were 19 years old. 22 of the 72 convicts were thereby below the age of 20; all of them were tortured in order to force any confessions. Peiper was an example for his crew, and under his command the team made well. There was never any betrayal among his units. The men were taken to the KZ Dachau where 72 of the 74 accused were convicted at a show trial. One commited suicide, one was Alsatian and was handed over to a French court. 43 – among them Peiper, who was called to account for his men’s actions – were sentenced to death by hanging, 22 to life imprisonment, eight to 20, eleven to ten years of prison. The trial was later newly heard and the sentence to death was replaced by life imprisonment. After eleven years of custody, J. Peiper was released as the last of his comrades in December 1956.

In January 1957 he started to work for Porsche in Frankfurt. Syndicates demanded his dismissal. Afterwards he worked for VW in Stuttgart, but there he was dismissed as well because of leftist agitation. With this he realized that he could not remain any longer in Germany and moved with his family to France. During the offensive in 1940 he had become acquainted with the region around the Langres Plateau and already at that time he loved it as a beautiful and quiet place. He then helped a French POW, a German-friendly nationalist, who had to work in Reutlingen for some relatives of Peiper like a forced labor convict in a garage. But there was a regulation between France and Germany, enabling the release of two French POWs for every voluntary worker willing to work in Germany. On Peiper’s recommendation that man, Gauthier, was allowed to return to his family. He had not forgotten Peiper and as he had to leave Germany in 1957, it was Gauthier who helped him and sold him the watermill of Traves. That building was in bad condition and Peiper did not have the necessary financial means to restore the mill. SS-Obersturmbannführer Erwin Ketelhut has afterwards taken over the water mill and in 1960 Peiper made build a house in Spannplate, high up on the bank of the Saone, hidden by bushes, not to see from the streets and like a military fortification. He had lived there – despite threats and anonymous phone calls – quite peacefully for over sixteen years.

On July 11th 1976 he bought some wire for a kennel in a shop in Vesoul, the capitol of that department. The salesman was an Alsatian: Paul Cacheux, member of the communist party, recognized through his accent that he was German and asked him whether he had been in France during the war. Peiper paid with a check with his name and address on it. Paul Cacheux looked up Peiper’s name in the "brown list" where all wanted Germans were registered. He passed his data over to the Resistance. On June 22nd 1976 the French communist newspaper "L’Humanité" wrote: „What does this Nazi do in France?". It was demanded to force Peiper to leave France. Flyers showing Peiper as a war criminal and Nazi were distributed to people in Traves. "Peiper, we’ll deliver you a 14 July!" was smeared on walls. July 14th is of course the French national holiday.

The morning of July 13th Peiper sent his wife, suffering from cancer, back to Germany. He himself did not want to leave his house because he expected it to be burned down. His neighbor Ketelhut had suggested to pass the night in the water mill but Peiper rejected that offer. He did not want Ketelhut staying with him either, since he would have shot any attackers. "No", he said, "It’s been already killed enough." Joachim Peiper waited on the veranda of his house from where he could observe the Saone river. Erwin Ketelhut had lent him his rifle. At 10:30 pm he heard a noise in the bushes and saw a dozen men climbing up the river bank. He shot in the air to intimidate the drunk intruders. She called him to come outside. He did that and opened the door in order to talk to them.

What happened afterwards can only be told by the culprits. Obersturmbannführer Joachim Peiper’s body was found charred and only one meter in size, he had no hands and feet. He died at about 1:00 am. The house was burned down, the ceiling broken in. What happened between 11:30 pm and 1:00 am? Was the Obersturmbannführer alive when he was mutilated? Was he still alive when he was burned? The culprits had poured gas on the floor, lit with a mixture of petrol and motor oil. Peiper lay in his bedroom, on the left side with his back to the wall, one arm bowed before his chest. Nothing had fallen upon him. He died by the immense heat. The body was not cremated but shrunken.

Erwin Ketelhut and the French having known and liked him shared the opinion that this knightly man, having defied so many dangers, should not have died this way. The murderers had driven with their car over a meadow to the river bank where two barges lay ready. With them they had crossed the Saone and afterwards had to climb up the steep bank through bushes. After the murder they ran the other way back over the meadows, in front of the house, to the street. The firemen searched the river for missing body parts. The French police’s investigation work took six months. The communists from Vesoul and the Resistance members were questioned. Nobody knew anything! Then the case was shelved. Nobody was ever arrested or punished! The area of Traves is not densely populated, there are only about ten inhabitants per square kilometer. Everybody knows everyone there and the people know everything about each other.

The culprits are known to the inhabitants, but the people say nothing. In the night from 13th to 14th July we have a protest vigil for Obersturmbannführer and bearer of the Knight’s Cross Joachim Peiper. The injustice made to him will not remain unpunished! With this cruel death Joachim Peiper has paid his last respects to his people and his homeland.

March of the White Army!! (Music)






Long Live the Rodina - Long Live the New Czar (music)






Hardy Lloyd Radio: Nitsua (Knife Wolf)


LWC: Nitsua - Yellow - Leaf's

Saint Romio-WooGrow - PointBlunt Only

Friday, November 19, 2021

👍 Rittenhouse Not Guilty, Baby!! 💪


It's open season on you commies bitches!!
Especially with your pig friends defunded!!

Thursday, November 18, 2021

Negroes Start 3rd BIG Fight at Pgh School - No Suprise


A school police officer was injured after being assaulted by four students at Brashear High School in the City of Pittsburgh Thursday afternoon.

The officer was treated by medics. Those students are facing criminal charges.

Police Sources tell Channel 11 this incident stems from a large altercation involving students.

Pittsburgh Police were at the school assisting officers that initially responded.

The officer was treated by medics at the school and released.

Video of the fight posted to social media shows the officer punch a student and the student punching back.

Hardy Lloyd TV: Family Guy part 5

Tuesday, November 16, 2021

Polish police deploy water cannon to stop migrants storming Belarus border fence, stun grenades also heard

DR. LLOYD'S NOTE: Hope the Slavs murder every rag head they see. GET OUT OF EUROPE, YOU FILTHY MUD SCUM!!

 Polish police deploy water cannon to stop migrants storming Belarus border fence, stun grenades also heard

Published: 16 Nov 2021 | 09:34 GMT

A group of refugees has again attempted to breach the border between Belarus and the EU, with Polish officers filmed firing water cannon as the row over illegal migration worsens. The use of flash grenades has also been reported,

On Tuesday morning, footage shot from the scene showed dozens of men, some wielding sticks, approaching the demarcation line. Other clips showed a vehicle on the Polish side of the border shooting jets of water into the air, and what appeared to be clouds of smoke and light rising from projectiles fired by border troops.

RT correspondent Konstantin Pridybailo, who is covering the growing humanitarian crisis from Belarus, said that “the migrants had moved around 100 meters from the checkpoint, to a place where the barbed wire fence was broken.”

According to him, the response was “more an outburst of emotion – everyone was freezing, everyone was tired. Stones were thrown at the Polish law enforcement officers.” However, he added, despite the wire being damaged, none of the would-be asylum seekers climbed the barrier.

Tensions have escalated in recent days, with Poland and other EU nations accusing Belarus of engineering the sharp rise in attempts to cross the border as part of a campaign of “hybrid warfare.”

According to Brussels, large numbers of flights to Minsk have been put on from troubled nations like Iraq, Iran and Syria, with desperate people shipped to the shared frontier and prevented from turning back.

Warsaw has mobilized thousands of police, border guards and soldiers in recent days and declared a state of emergency amid a sharp spike in the number of people trying to cross into the EU from Belarus. Last week, its officers used pepper spray and riot shields to prevent groups from making it across.

Belarus has denied the charges, and insisted that it was simply no longer prepared to intervene and stop people seeking to cross the border with the EU in the context of the sanctions. Brussels is now reportedly considering a new package of measures designed to target Belarusian officials, as well as airlines alleged to be involved in bringing in refugees.

On Monday, two French journalists reporting on the crisis for RT were arrested by Polish police and brought before a court, accused of illegally entering its side of the border area.

Polish authorities have banned the press from covering the situation on the ground, instituting an effective media blackout, which has been widely criticized.

The two Frenchmen, correspondent David Khalifa and cameraman Jordi Demory, reported that they had been handcuffed by officers after “unfriendly” encounters with police close to the demarcation line.

Guess where I'll be December???


The Last Months of the 17th SS-Panzergrenadier Division “Goetz von Berlichingen”

 The Last Months of the 17th SS-Panzergrenadier Division “Goetz von Berlichingen”

Source: Siegrunen Magazine (1983)

From 24 to 27 December 1944, the “GvB” Div. underwent a brief period of refurbishing in the Saarland at Neunkirchen, St. Ingbert, Homburg and Spiessen.

During this time the remnants of the SS-Panzergrenadier Rgt. 38 (SS-PGR 38), were incorporated into the SS-PGR 37, with II. Btl./38 becoming III./37. An entirely new SS-PGR 38 was formed from a SS-PG Training/ Replacement Rgt. and it came under the command of SS- Obersturmbannführer Vincenz Kaiser. On 26 December, the divisional HQ was at Kohlhof near Preussisch Limbach.

The 17th SS Div. was put on alert on 31 December and was sent to the Medelsheim, Altheim and Gailbach area in preparation for a counterattack (Operation “North Wind”) towards Gross Rederchingen and Achen. “GvB” was one of 8 divisions assigned to the attack by Army Group ‘G,’ and it was to lead the righthand or western assault force. The divisional HQ was established at Neu-Altheim with SS Armored Recce Detachment 17 (SS-AA 17) on the right divisional border, with links to the 36th Volksgrenadier Div. (36th VGD). SS-PGR 37 was located directly southeast of Altheim with its command post in Muehle.

The Year 1945

1 January: An armored attack force from the 17th SS Div. “GvB” broke through the American lines and made a rapid 5 km advance to the town of Achen. More than 700 soldiers were taken prisoner from the 44th U.S. Inf. Division. Strong enemy counterattacks on the divisional flanks prevented any further expanision of the breakthrough area. III./SS-PGR 37 got stuck trying to take Hill 382 and took substantial losses. With the help of 3 tanks the battalion finally got moving along a road embankment at about mid-day. Late in the day the enemy brought up strong reserve forces and by the morning of 2 January, the “GvB” Attack Group “Kaiser” was ordered to return to the original battle lines.

2 January: 17th SS Divisional Command Chart on this Date

Div.’I Commander: Standartenführer Lingner

Chief-of-Staff (Ia): Major von Bothmer, replaced by Sturmbannführer Krelle

Div’I Adjutant: Hauptsturmführer Wieman, replaced by Hstuf. Tucek

SS Recce Detachment 17: Stubaf. Wahl SS-PGR 37: Staf. Fick


Emblem: A mailed or metal gloved fist taken from the legendary namesake of the Div., the Landesknecht, “Goetz von Berlichingen”, known as the “Knight with the Iron Fist”, a reference to Goetz’ use of a prosthetic metal hand after losing his real one in battle.

Cuff band and ID shields

SS-PGR 38: Ostubaf. Kaiser

SS-Artillery Rgt. 17: Ostubaf. Klaphake

SS-Engineer Btl. 17: Hstuf. Mueller

SS-Flak Detachment 17: Stubaf. Braune

SS-Panzer Detachment 17: Hstuf. Hohmann

SS-Panzerjaeger Detachment 17: Hstuf. Venzke

SS-Signals Detachment 17: Stubaf. Wiederhold

Divisional Resupply: Ostubaf. Sarnow

Divisional Medical Detachment: Stubaf. Dr. Pries

Divisional Maintenance and Repair: Hstuf. Funke

Liaison Officer to the 9th Flak Div.: Lt. Bierbaum 

3 January: Offensive generally stalled. Battle lines run through Gross Rederchingen, Bettweiler, Urbach, Weisskirchen and Nussweiler, about 1 to 2 km in front of the original jumping-off points. II./SS-PGR 37 carried out an attack on the Schlossberg and the town of Frauenberg was retaken.

4 January: An enemy counterattack was broken up by effective fire from SS-AR 17. III./SS-PGR 37 attacked the Schlossberg and captured the hill. After some street fighting, Rimlingen was lost to the Americans.

6 January: More enemy counterattacks are repulsed. The “GvB” battle lines now ran from in front of Erchingen to the north of Rimlingen, to the west of Urbach and to Weisskirchen.

7 January: With the support of rocket-mortar fire, a “GvB” task force moves back into part of Rimlingen. The strength of the enemy in the town was estimated to be at around one battalion.

Officers of the Division, left to right: Brigfhr. Lammerding (CO, 38 SS Div. ‘Nibelungen’), Ostubaf. Klingenburg (CO, 17th SS Div. “GvB”), Ostubaf. Fick (SS-PGR’s 37 and 38), Ostubaf. Kment and unknown Stubaf

8 January: With the help of tank support, “GvB” soldiers reach the center of Rimlingen.

9 January: The American troops in Rimlingen were trapped and encircled in the western part of the town. An outside relief attack was repelled by the W-SS soldiers. While inspecting the positions of the SS-PGR 38, the divisional commander, Staf. Lingner, crossed into the wrong side of the “fluid” lines and was captured by U.S. troops. Oberst Lindner from the Army High Command Reserve Officer’s Pool was immediately dispacthed to take over “GvB.” Also on this day, SS-AA 17 was stiffly engaged in the Obergailbach sector.

10 January: Most of the enemy occupiers of Rimlingen were able to break through the German lines to Bettweiler. An American counterattack was then shattered by the “GvB” Division. SS- PGR 38 was pulled out of the foremost lines and replaced by SS-PGR 37; in ten days of continuous action it had taken heavy losses. SS-AA 17 (recce) was also pulled back. At nightfall, in very cold weather, the 17th SS Div. went fully over on the defensive. Operation “North Wind” was called off. In front of the “GvB” positions were elements of the 1st French Armored Div. and the 44th U.S. Inf. Division.

11 January: The Wehrmacht Communique made note of the fact that Rimlingen in Lothringen (Lorraine) had been recaptured. The day was marked by spotty, static positional fighting on the “GvB” front. Due to a shortage of adequate winter clothing, much suffering was reported (including frostbite) due to the intense cold.

Stubaf. Braune, CO SS-Flak Det. 17

13 January: “GvB” becomes part of the XIII. SS Army Corps along with the 19th VGD under Generalmajor Britzelmayr, the 559th VGD under Gen.Maj. von Muehlen, the Volkswerfer- Brigade 18 and the Volks-Artillerie Corps 40. The new Corps’ chief-of-staff is Ostubaf. Albert, who was formerly the 1st Staff Officer of the 16th SS-PG Div. “RF-SS.”

15 January: On this day the Knight’s Cross was awarded to Oberscharführer Gottke from 3./SS Flak Det. 17 by Oberst Lindner. The Knight’s Cross was also awarded to Untersturm- führer Papas, the adjutant of SS-AA 17, for his actions in the vicinity of Reinheim-Habkirchen.

16 to 21 January: A generally quiet period in the “GvB” sector, marked by some exchanges of artillery fire. Shortages of ammunition and rations were reported. Salvage work was carried on and the motor vehicle repair troops were kept particularly busy.

18 January: III./SS-PGR 37, with a meager operation strength of 11 NCOs and 32 men (no officers!), is withdrawn to begin reformation.

21 January: Staf. Fritz Klingenberg, formerly the commander of the SS-Junkerschule “Toelz,” assumes the command of the 17th SS Division.

22 January: Bad weather. There was snow in the morning which melted in the afternoon. Little movement on the roads. No enemy air activity or infantry patrols reported.

23 January: SS-Oberstgruppenführer Paul Hausser becomes the supreme commander of Army Group ‘G’ (Southwestern Germany); it is the highest command position to go to a member of the Waffen-SS.

30 January: Parts of the 6th SS Mountain Div. “Nord” and the 276th (Baeren) Inf. Div. become the left-hand neighbors of the 17th SS Div., replacing the 2nd Mtn. Division. Stubaf. Gwodz becomes the commander of the SS-AA 17. The men of the division contributed a total of 1,303,321.66 Reichsmarks to the fund to aid East German refugees fleeing from the Soviets. The unit with the highest per capita contribution to the fund was 2./SS-Medical Det. 17; its donation averaged 375 RM per man.

2 February: Stubaf. Wahl, who had commanded SS-AA 17, became the 720th recipient of the Oakleaves to the Knight’s Cross.

10 February: The “GvB” Div. reports its strength on this day at 334 officers, 2,231 NCOs and 10,687 men.

SS-Freiwilligen-Kavallerie Division “Lützow”

14 February: An enemy air attack on the divisional command post in Altheim caused some casualties. Some fighting against the 44th U.S. Inf. Div. is reported. The enemy tactics –scout raiding parties –indicated that an offensive was likely.

15 February: At 00:00 hours (midnight) a strong enemy artillery fire fell on the entire divisional sector. At 0630, the American attack got underway. Supported by tanks, the 44th U.S. Inf. Div. broke through the German lines by 1000 hours, between Bellevue-Ferme and Eppingen. Rimlingen was partially encircled and a “GvB” battalion was more or less isolated. In the evening, Erching and Guiderkirch were evacuated with the objective of later recapturing them. The American forces with about 50 tanks, had been able to clear about 2 km of ground on either side of Rimlingen.

16 February: The “GvB” Divisional HQ relocated to Walsheim. The enemy gained only a little ground. An emergency 2- company battalion was created from the SS-Flak Det. 17 and thrown into action around Bliesbruecken under the leadership of Stubaf. Braune. There was much static, positional fighting as the enemy began to regroup. The formation of emergency units from artillery and supply troops began.

17 February: The enemy waited until evening to continue the attack; the divisional HQ moved to Boeckweiler.

18 February: III./SS-PGR 37, after being rebuilt, moved into defensive positions on the right wing of the regiment, giving up its former positions to II./SS-37. An enemy attack on the 19th VG Div. created an increasingly dangerous situation. On this day the 17th SS Div. reported a strength of 314 officers/2,077 NCOs/ 9,406 men/or 11,797 in total, along with 29 still functioning tanks.

Ostubaf. Jopp Fick (SS-PGR 37)

Ostubaf. Vincenz Kaiser (SS-PGR 38)

Staf. Fritz Klingenberg, Divisional Commander

19 February: 559th VG Div. was relieved by the 2nd Mtn. Division. 17th SS HQ moved to Gruenbergwald, north of Boeck- weiler.

20 February: Divisional orders-of-the-day paid tribute to the deeds of the 9./SS-38 (Hauptscharführer Kirst) and 11./SS-38 (Ostuf. Dr. Proske). 9th Co. had been carrying out sharpshooter duties on behalf of the division, and one member of the unit, Uscha. Kuehn, was singled out for having made 20 confirmed (witnessed) hits as a sharpshooter from 20 January 1945 to 15 February 1945.

22 February: 2nd Mtn. Div. left XIII. SS Corps to join LXXXII. Army Corps.

23 February: Brisk enemy air activity, but little ground fighting reported. Shortage of ammunition and supplies for the “GvB” heavy weapons units are noted; this was especially difficult for the SS Flak Det. 17.

28 February: 16th VG Div. inserted in the lines as the left- hand neighbor of the 17th SS Division.

1 March: Corps Orders-of-the-Day honored the assault troop led by SS-Junker Niess from I./SS-PGR 37, which had occupied Urbach on 11 February.

2 March: SS-AR 17 was reformed into four detachments (Abteilung) as follows:

I. Abt. (1st & 2nd Batteries) under Hstuf. Moeller

II. Abt. (3rd & 4th Batteries) under Hstuf. Nagler

III. Abt. (5th & cth Batteries) under Hstuf. Hieronymus

IV. Abt. (7th, 8th & 9th Batteries) under Hstuf. Fitzner

12 March: SS-AA 17 completes refurbishing and is once again at the disposal of the division.

14 March: Assault troops from SS-AA 17 raid Rimlingen and bring back 70 prisoners. Large quantities of a U.S. Army propaganda flyer directed towards the 17th SS Div. are discovered.

15-16 March: The enemy advanced to the northwest and crossed over the Blies River bridge, mostly cutting off the “GvB” Flak battlegroup and part of 2./SS-AA 17 in the process. American forces also broke through to the right and left of the 17th SS Div., causing the bulk of “GvB” to fall back in a hard, fighting retreat against elements of the 3rd and 45th U.S. Inf. Divisions. SS-AA 17 fought until 19 March at Blieskastel, then relocated to Walshausen on the 20th, where it continued in combat action. “GvB” still suffered from severe fuel shortages.

17 March: SS-Flak Det. 17 was sent to join the 9th Flak Div. to protect Homburg from enemy air raids.

18 March: The enemy reached the area between Idar-Oberstein and Bad Kreuznach. On 20 March the Americans would attack through Kaiserslautern-Landstuhl towards Homburg. The right wing of the “GvB” Div. came under strong enemy fighter attacks near Schnittshausen.

19 March: The enemy captures Landstuhl. “GvB” shifts to a northwesterly-southeasterly defensive axis, with the divisional HQ in Waldfischbach. Relocation to the “West Wall” was ordered.

20 March: Enemy forces gained a line running from Contwig to Nieder und Oberauerbach and the south part of Battweiler. A strong American attack near Contwig was driven off by the 17th SS Panzergrenadiers with the help of the armored recce and Flak detachments. At midnight the divisional supply services headed back for the Battweiler-Nussweiler line, to be followed shortly by the rest of the division.

21 March: The 17th SS Div. was engaged in stiff fighting around Waldfischbach. Later in the day, “GvB” fought around Dahn and Hinerweidenthal and in tank blocking positions northwest of Rinnthal and north of Allersweiler on 22 March. On this day the entire XIII. SS Corps had its communications cut off with Army High Command and no news got through. The “GvB” HQ was located in Herxheimweiler.

22 March: The “GvB” Div. continued to withdraw through Busendorf, Klingenmuenster and Rohrbach, while the enemy crossed the Rhine to the south of Mainz. The HQ was in Bell- heim.

23 March: A powerful enemy force attacked the “GvB” Div. from the southwest in the vicinity of Germersheim. The division then regrouped around Bellheim and attempted to defend a line that ran from Herxheimweiler to Rheinzabern to Jockgrim. SS- PGR 38 was engaged in the sector between Ottersheim and Bellheim. After running out of fuel, SS-Flak Det. 17 was forced to abandon nearly all of its heavy weapons and vehicles. SS-AR 17 was in a similar situation and suffered severe material losses. The HQ staff estimated the effective divisional combat strength on this day to be around 800 men, some of whom were engaged defending the Germersheim bridgehead.

24 March: Staf. Klingenberg was killed on the left bank of the Rhine at Herxheim where he had been supervising the rescue of men who had been badly wounded through a misplaced barrage from the SS-AR 17. He was temporarily succeeded as divisional CO by Staf. “Jopp” Fick from SS-PGR 37. The “GvB” HQ was located on this day in Germersheim.

An enemy tank advance along the Ruelzheim-Germersheim road split the bridgehead near the latter town in two. One group of 17th SS Panzergrenadiers defended an enclave south of Sondernheim along the Hoerdt-Germersheim road, while the rest of the division remained in the town of Germersheim, where the HQ of XIII. SS Corps was also located.

Oscha. Gottke receives the Knight’s Cross from Oberst Lindner on 17 December 1944

Stubaf. Wahl, CO of SS Panzer Recce Det. 17

25 March: All intact portions of the 17th SS Div. fell back over the Rhine bridge at Germersheim. SS-PGR 37 remained behind and covered the withdrawal in stiff fighting. After the bridge was destroyed, the men of SS-PGR 37 had to cross the Rhine in assault boats under the covering fire of the last “GvB” tanks. The main body of the division went into Army reserve for a very brief period of refreshing and re-equipping. Part of SS-AR 17, the SS-Flak Det. 17 and the SS-Panzer Det. 17 were withdrawn to be reformed. In addition the division received a new commander with the arrival of SS-Oberführer Georg Bochmann, who had previously been in charge of the 18th SS PG Div. “Horst Wessel.” 17th SS Div. also left XIII. SS Corps and became a temporary component of the XIII. Inf. Corps (Heer).

28 March: SS-AA 17 and III./SS-38 were back in action at Eber- bach and 3 enemy tanks were destroyed. The principal opponent seemed to be the 63rd U.S. Inf. Division. “GvB’s” right hand neighbor was now the 553rd VG Division. From this date until 2 April, the 17th SS Div. was on the march back to the Jagst River positions. “GvB” was notified by Generalfeldmarschall Kesselring (C-in-C ‘West’) that it would receive 4,000 fresh replacements from the March Group “Schaffmann.” This unexpected bonus boosted the divisional size back up to nearly normal (around 11,000 soldiers).

On this day the divisional HQ dispatched a radio scouting party of platoon size under Ostuf. Hinz from SS-PGR 38 into the Openwald (Forest), behind the enemy lines to eavesdrop on American radio transmissions. It was hoped from this to get a fix on the enemy troop movements. Due to equipment failures, contact was only made with two U.S. infantry regiments for one day. The scouting party then returned to the division with little or no losses.

“GvB” Knight’s Cross holders, Ustuf. Kuske and Ustuf. Papas

1 April 1945: The “GvB” Command Structure on this date:

Divisional commander: Oberfhr. Bochmann

Chief-of-Staff (la): Stubaf. Krelle

Ordnance Officer: Ostuf. Scheithauer

Divisional Adjutant: Hstuf. Schuetze

SS-PGR 37 CO: Stubaf. Baeuerle

Regimental Adjutant: Ostuf. Kittel

I. Btl. CO: Hptmn. Bitsch

II Btl. CO: Stubaf. Krehnke III. Btl. CO: Ostuf. Nauroth

SS-PGR 38 CO: Ostubaf. Kaiser, replaced by Staf. Fick

Regimental Adjutant: Hstuf. Kukula (murdered in American captivity)

I. Btl. CO: Hstuf. Sachse

II. Btl. CO: Ostuf. Kaschner

III. Btl. CO: Hptmn. Beutner

SS-AR 17 CO: Ostubaf. Klaphake

Regimental Adjutant: Ustuf. Hoppe

I. Abt. CO: Hstuf. Moeller

II. Abt. CO: Hstuf. Nagler

III. Abt. CO: Stubaf. Urbanitz

IV. Abt. CO: Dissolved

SS-AA 17 (recce): Stubaf. Gwodz

SS-Pz.Abt. 17 (tanks): Stubaf. Hohmann

SS-Pz.Jg.Abt. 17 (anti-tank): Hstuf. Wagner

SS-Flak Abt. 17: Stubaf. Braune

SS-Engineer Btl. 17: Hstuf. Mueller

SS-Signals Btl. 17: Stubaf. Wiederhold

SS-Feldersatz Btl. 17 (replacements): Stubaf. Kuehler

Special Btl. Klepmeier: Hptmn. Klepmeier

Special Btl. Schliechenmair: Hstuf. Schliechenmair

Authorized Divisional strength: 456 officers/2,792 NCOs/ 10,323 men. Total: 13,571

Actual Divisional Strength: 315/2,032/8,966. Total: 11,313 The divisional HQ on 1 April 1945 was located in Neuenstadt/ Kocher.

3-12 April: During this period there were continuous battles for the Jagst River crossings against the 63rd and 100th U.S. Inf. Divs. and the 10th U.S. Armored Division. SS-PGR 38 underwent very difficult fighting from 6 to 11 April between Jagst and Kocher, near Jagtsfeld and Heuchlingen. The left hand neighbor on the left bank of the Neckar River was the 246th Inf. Div., then came the SS-PGR 38 from Neckar to Herbolzheim. On the regimental right was the SS-PGR 37 and the SS-AA 17 around Kressbach.

6 April: Divisional supply services located mostly to the southwest of Schwaebish Hall with the medical detachment and main field hospital at Schwalbach. “GvB’s” right hand neighbor was now the Engineer Rgt. “Rosenheim” and the left hand neighbor was the 559th VG Division.

8-9 April: The battles for Jagst and Kocher had proven to be a clear defensive success. As a result the enemy side began to get more brutal and a large number of captured soldiers from the “GvB” Div. were shot or beaten to death by the GIs.

Oberfhr. Georg Bochmann, last “GvB” Divisional Coomander

Ostubaf. Baeverle, last CO of SS-PGR 37.

10 April: A substantial enemy air attack was made on Neuen- stadt on the Kocher River.

13 April: The Army High Command ordered the 17th SS Div. to the Nuremberg area. Its positions were assumed by the 98th Inf. Division.

14-15 April: “GvB” was assigned to the LXXXII. Army Corps while 2nd Mtn. Div. was sent back to XIII. SS Corps. It was becoming nearly impossible to keep moving around the divisional heavy weapons. On 12 April most of the “GvB” Div. had been in the vicinity of Crailsheim; by 15 April it was in the area around Ansbach.

17/18 April: 17th SS Div. was fighting in the Mainhardt-Hall area. SS-PGR 38 reached the outskirts of Nuremberg with SS- Flak Det. 17 going to the south of the city. Part of SS-AR 17 was in action with XIII. SS Corps at Crailsheim. Unfortunately most of the local defenses in Nuremberg remained unoccupied against the American advance from the north and east. The Flak batteries had to break out to the west to rejoin the rest of the division.

19/20 April: Part of SS-PGR 38 (including I. Btl.) fought the 3rd U.S. Inf. Div., first in the northern outskirts of Nuremberg and later in the southwest suburbs. Alongside the regiment were some Army units and the SS-Kampfgruppe “Dirnagel” (formed from the SS Flak Training and Replacement Rgt. in Munich). There was also some fighting for the Reichswald between the canal and Reichsdorf. The enemy units were from Patton’s Third Army, which the “GvB” Div. had fought against in Normandy.

20 April: Fighting reported around Oberroth-Gaildorf, with the 1st and 4th Batteries of SS Flak Det. 17 finally back in action, after being reformed. Counterattacks by SS-PGR 37 twice frustrated enemy attempts to cross over the Altmuehl River. There was further fighting around Neumarkt/Oberpfalz and Altberching, with the latter town changing hands 13 times! Together with the refurbished 416th Inf. Div. and the 36th VG Div., “GvB” assumed blocking positions to the south of Nuremberg. After an attack by SS-PGR 37 on the Nuremberg Autobahn, SS-Flak Detachment 17 shot up 7 tanks and 12 trucks on the road and dealt heavy losses to an enemy infantry battalion at Weinsfeld. Since the fighting around Nuremberg, the CO of SS-PGR 38, Ostubaf. Vincenz Kaiser was listed as missing. He was replaced by Staf. Fick. After the war the bodies of Ostubaf. Kaiser and around 200 other members of SS-PGR 38 were exhumed in an unmarked mass grave. Autopsies showed that all had been either beaten to death or shot in the head at close range. Also among the dead was the regimental adjutant and temporary commander of I./SS-38, Ostuf. Kukula. It was later learned that this massacre–one of the bloodiest in the history of the U.S. Army –was carried out by soldiers from the “Rainbow” Div. (42nd U.S. Inf. Division). Naturally no one was ever brought to trial for this atrocity and the exact facts of the matter remain conveniently suppressed to this very day!

Also on 20 April, SS-PGR 37, now led by Ostubaf. Baeuerle, was engaged in hard defensive fighting around Freystadt, Bavaria. The 17th SS Div. was again subordinated to the LXXXII. Corps under Gen. Tolsdorf; it was the Corps’ only fully motorized unit.

21 April: A correspondent for the New York Times wrote the following on this day about the battle for Nuremberg: “A mishmash of 32 German units, civilians and Volkssturm men together with the famous 17th SS Inf. Div. attempted to defend the city against our overwhelming superiority.”

22 April: SS-AA 17 recorded its 10th consecutive day in close combat.

23-24 April: A fighting withdrawal to the Danube begins. When the 17th SS Div. reached Donauwoerth it found the bridge over the river already destroyed. “GvB” briefly occupied the “Danube Positions,” but they were defensively worthless against any attack from the west. Part of the SS-AA 17 joined the 38th SS PG Div. “Niebelungen” near Regensburg. After crossing the Danube, this detachment only had 6 armored scout cars left. Also on 23 April, the 17th SS Div. received a mention in the Wehrmacht Communique.

24 April: SS-Flak Det. 17 shot-up an enemy pontoon bridge that the Americans were attempting to place across the Danube. The SS troops then permitted the repair of the bridge, then they shot it up again! The Detachment also reported the destruction of 6 enemy tanks and 18 trucks.

24/28 April: Retrograde fighting through the Beilngries-Eichstaett area to the vicinity of Munich. The 17th SS Div. was back under the control of XIII. SS Corps fighting against the U.S. 7th Army. In Eberstetten, the Americans massacred another 17 “GvB” POWs, including a medic from SS-Flak Det. 17. 1./SS-Flak Det. 17 lost most of its weapons, vehicles and supplies to an enemy tank force at Dietersheim. SS-PGR 37 occupied the western outskirts of Munich, acting as flank security for retreating units. Afterwards the regiment had to carry out a very difficult march to Penzburg. The award of the Oakleaves to the Knight’s Cross to Ostubaf. Kaiser was announced, even though Kaiser was listed as “missing.” It was backdated to 18 March 1945.

29/30 April: “GvB” was in the Starnberg-Penzberg-Bad Heilbrunn area. SS-PGR 37 was engaged in heavy fighting for Penzburg and an enemy armored spearhead was destroyed.

30 April: The retreat goes through the Bad Toelz area and the town was declared an “open city.” SS-PGR 37 defended terrain to the northwest and southwest of Toelz. Enemy tanks and infantry broke into Bad Toelz during the “GvB” withdrawal over the Isar River bridge. This ended the “open city” status of the town and very violent street fighting took place between the Americans and the soldiers of SS-PGR 37 who were covering the divisional retreat. The pullback to the Alps was now in progress.

1 May: Still another 4 captured “GvB” soldiers were murdered by members of the “Rainbow” Div. in Oberpframmern.

2 May: The mountain valley to the south of Bad Toelz was defended by SS-PGR 37, near Lenggries, and SS-PGR 38 (Fick) around the Tegensee. Four enemy tanks were destroyed at the Isar River bend near Fall. It proved impossible to defend the bottleneck to the valley with weak forces for the next four days.

4/5 May: The 17th SS Div. was reassembled around Achensee in the Achen Valley. The divisional HQ and the command post of SS-AR 17 were located in Glashuette. There was no significant combat activity at this time. SS-PGR 38 and SS-AA 17 went into well protected positions in the Maurach Hills towards Jenbach. SS-PGR 37 was in place to the north and northwest, around Kreuth towards Lenggries. A tank destroyer troop from SS- PGR 37 shot up some more American tanks on the Isar bend near Fall. The last 3 armored scout cars from SS-AA 17 were kept ready for action near Innsbruck.

6 May: Oberstgruf. Hausser, as commander of Army Group ‘G,’ was instructed by the C-in-C ‘West,’ Generalfeldmarschall Kesselring, to order a disciplined surrender of all the troops under his command. An Austrian resistance movement in the “GvB” sector, which was given extensive “Allied” propaganda coverage, scarcely put in an appearance.

7 May: The 17th SS Div. received the news that the XIII. SS Corps was in the process of surrendering. The “GvB” Div., represented by the chief-of-staff, Maj. Krelle and SS-PGR 37, represented by Stubaf. Krehnke (in Kreuth), made arrangements for the capitulation of the 17th SS Div. to the 4th U.S. Inf. Div. and the 10th U.S. Armored Division.

8 May: At 1300 hours, the surrender of the XIII. Army Corps (Heer) began. “GvB” received instructions to surrender all weapons by 1200 on 9 May. At that time the bulk of the division was to enter captivity.

9 May: The division marched into an improvised POW camp at Rottach-Egern on the Tagernsee under Ostubaf. Klaphake. Officers and field military police were allowed to retain their weapons. “GvB” arrived in Rottach at 1500 hours and the divisional vehicles were then impounded.

12 May: For relocation purposes, the still intact “GvB” Div. was removed to the area southeast of Munich; the HQ staff was in Baldheim. The divisional supply and support troops continued.

Adolf Hitler’s Speech at the Opening of the War Winter Aid Work (September 4, 1940)

 Adolf Hitler’s Speech at the Opening of the War Winter Aid Work (September 4, 1940)

In these days ends the first war year. The second began, and with it the new War Winter Aid Work. The successes of this first year, my folk comrades, are unprecedented.

They are so unprecedented that not just the opponents could not imagine this course of history, rather even many in the German folk could barely conceive the magnificence of the processes and the speed of the events.

We cannot at all draw upon the first war winter of the World War as comparison; for in this first war year then, despite the greatest valor, despite unheard of great sacrifices, only partial results were achieved, not a definitively carried out solution.

This time, we only need to gaze upon the mighty triangle that is today protected by the German Wehrmacht: In the east the Bug, in the north the North Cape, Kirkenes and Narvik, and in the south Spain’s border! A number of opponents has been eliminated. Only to a favorable geographic situation and an extraordinary speed in retreating does England owe that it has not shared the same fate! For it is not so, like some British politicians portray it, that, say, the British army chomps on the bit like a wild horse with burning eagerness to finally be released against the German enemy. They were so close to us, after all, and could have easily satisfied their desire for combat back then. They themselves distanced themselves from us. And it remained up to them to portray this repeated distancing as great victories.

Decisive successes have been achieved in this year. And the large region that is dominated by German troops at this time has expanded through our ally Italy, which, for its part, has likewise gone on the offensive in East Africa and then, too, strengthened its position and beaten back England.

Naturally, this is also confronted by English “victories”. They are successes, which human, healthy common sense just does not understand and does not recognize. They also have no special context in themselves. We experience again and again that, since this year, English propaganda falls from the peak into the abyss, in order, however, just a few days later to soar at an even greater altitude. I have read this once; it went, for example, “Now the dice of war fall. If the Germans do not manage to reach Paris - and they will not manage that -, then they have lost the war. But if they should reach Paris, then England will win the war.”

Since September 3rd and 4th, England has won numerous “victories” of that sort. The most glorious victory - in our eyes, it would be the most ignominious failure - was the flight from Dunkirk. But what did one not do in an emergency! We merely need to read the English war reportage in order in to know what this success is like. It states there, for example: “One tells us that...” or: “One learns from well-informed circles...” or: “One hears from well-informed offices...” or: “One can hear from experts...” or: “One believes one may seriously believe that...” Yes, once it was stated: “One believes to have reason to may able to believe that...etc.” And then, as said, naturally any defeat can become a success.

We were just entering Poland and the English propaganda declared that they knew from well-informed circles that the Germans had already suffered a number of most severe defeats and that the Poles were on the triumphant advance against Berlin. A few days later, the well-informed circles still assured that now the fate in the east had definitively shifted. Then equally well-informed experts came who noted that even if Germany should have won a success - which was not the case at all -, that this success was in reality a failure - seen from a higher strategic standpoint, naturally.

And as we already stood in Warsaw, then one again knew that one had the right to be able to presume that now, in the west, the attack by the allies had won its first great, and indeed penetrating, successes.

And that went on so until there was finally no longer any Po-land. And then one said: “A great nightmare has been taken from us, for this Poland in the east was always our weakest spot. Since Poland is finished, the Allies can finally concentrate on the theater where they are superior to the Germans, and the German will learn that in the shortest time.”

Then there was quiet for a long time. This quiet was naturally also a tremendously ongoing success for the British armed forces and an equally constant failure for Germany. How did England work in these months, and what did we sleep through! What did the English politicians see and correctly recognize in this period and what did we in contrast miss! Until Norway came. When the operation began, English war reportage was pleased by the huge “mistake” that we had now made. “Finally, the Germans have made a mistake, and now they will pay for it”, so did one write, and one was pleased in England that one had now gotten the opportunity to be able to measure oneself against the Germans. In the west, we had for months been just a new hundred meters apart! They could have measured themselves against us at any hour! They acted as if they could not see us at all in the west, and now, for the first time in Norway, kind fate now gave them, thanks to our, and ^specially my, stupidity, the opportunity to finally be able to deal with us militarily.

The conflict, it came then, too. And it is really an irony of fate that perhaps the, for the English worst, blow back then was owed to their own propaganda. When, namely, we had already long since pushed the Norwegians out of Hamar and Lillehammer, a British brigade marched staunchly, piously and unsuspectingly along the same route toward Hamar. It had no link at all to the rear, for our Stukas and bombers had meanwhile severed all that. And so they only listened to the British radio. And on British radio, the British brigade commander heard that we were still far away, naturally far from Lillehammer, seen from his standpoint, far behind Lillehammer, and that we had suffered a severe defeat. And so the staunch British brigade commander marched at the point of his brigade into Lillehammer, sat down to rest there, at his side the chest with the document upon which stood: “Top secret! Do not allow to fall into enemy hands!”, and was round up still that same night together with his precious Ark of the Covenant by our troops. That is what happens, if somebody relies on Mr. Churchill, the war reporter!

That was how it was almost everywhere. They lied. They were thrown into the sea, and then it was “a very great victory”. That they managed to still save the last few ruins of Andalsnes or of Namsos, they declared that to the world as the “mightiest success of recent British war history”. Naturally, we cannot measure ourselves against them in that. But the reality confronted that, namely: a few weeks later, there was no longer any Norway. The British military forces had to evacuate this land as well.

And then came the hour of the conflict in the west. There, too, we arrived too late. And precisely in this campaign, this allied combination really had to suffer nothing else than just defeats. The facts, the historical facts speak for it and provide testimony. Nonetheless, this, too, ended with a great British “victory”, namely with the magnificent, glorious feat of arms of Dunkirk. I have seen with my own eyes the traces of this feat of arms. It looked rather disorderly!

Now France is likewise broken. And what kind of explanation does one have now? Hardly had Norway been permanently cleansed of the Allies, when one declared: “We wanted that, after all. We wanted to entice the Germans up here, after all. That was a victory, a distinctly clear victory for us, a shortening of our front.” And after France was finally crushed, one declared: “Now England can finally, for the first time, concentrate all its strength. Now we no longer have the need to always waste ourselves and expend our troops, to scatter ourselves. Not we have achieved the strategic position that we have continually desired and hoped for. The dead weight of France has finally fallen away from us. It only cost us precious British blood, and now we are in the position to oppose the Germans quite differently.”

Right at the start of the war, one concerned oneself with certain prophecies about the duration of this war. One said: “This war will last three years. British prepares itself for three years.” One also had to do that, for the people there, who, after all, are all extremely rich holders of stocks, war factory portfolios, these people are smart enough, they naturally know that these new investments cannot become profitable at all in half a year or in one year. That requires some time. But I was also equally careful back then and immediately told the Reich Marshal back then: Göring, let us prepare everything for five years. Not because I believe the war will last five years. But whatever may come, England will break down, one way or another! And I know no other term than this term alone.

I will naturally always prepare everything cleverly and carefully and conscientiously. You will understand that. And if one is very curious in England today and says: “Yes, why doesn’t he come?” Be calm, he will come! One does not always have to be so curious. This world will become free. The nonsense must be cleared away forever that it can be possible for one nation to blockade an entire continent whenever it wants. It must be made impossible in the future that a pirate state can from time to time again and again, according to wish and mood, surrender 450 million people here more or less to poverty or to misery. We are fed up, especially as Germans, to let England dictate to us in all future, whether or not we may do this or that, yes, in the end, even whether or not a German may drink coffee. If England does not like it, then coffee import will be blocked. That does not interest me personally at all. I don’t drink any. But it angers me that others cannot drink it. And, indeed, I find it unbearable that here a nation of 85 million can be punished at any time on life and limb by another folk, if it does not fit some plutocrat in London.

I have so often offered the English folk the hand of reconciliation. You know it yourselves, after all. It was my foreign policy goal. I have recently done it again for very last time. Now I prefer to fight until a very clear decision has been produced. And the clear decision can only be that this regime of pitiful and vile war agitators is eliminated and that a condition is established in which it is impossible that, in the future, one nation can still tyrannize all of Europe.

Here Germany, and here Italy as well, and here both states will bear the concern that this does not repeat itself in history again a second time. And here England and also all its allies can do nothing, neither Emperor Haile Selassie nor Mr. Benesch nor another, not even King Haakon and also not Queen Wilhelmina and also not the French General De Gaulle. All these allies will not be able to help at all. And whatever else they may still plan, whatever else they may have also keep in view in the deepest fold of their heart, we are on guard, ready for everything, determined for everything and ready to act at any time.

And above all: One does not terrify us with anything at all. We German National Socialists have passed through the hardest school that is at all humanly conceivable. First, we were soldiers of the great war, and then we were the fighters for the German resurrection. And what we had to endure in these years, that has hardened us. One hence also cannot intimidate us with anything. One cannot surprise us with anything at all. When one entered the war in England a year ago, one said: “We have an ally.” One was curious who that probably was. They said: “It is a general, this ally. His name is General Revolution.” Aha! They have an idea of the new National Socialist German folk state! And then they waited in London for the activity of this General Revolution. On September 6th, nothing happened, on September 7th, nothing happened. On September 8th: according to their statements, this general was supposed to rise up inside a week, General Revolution. And he has not been found.

Then one said: “But we now have a more effective general. It is General Hunger.” We have counted on it from the start that the great humanitarians, like in the World War, would try to starve women and children, and have also prepared ourselves for it. This general as well was only a miscalculation, a ghost, a jack-o’-lantern in the brain of Mr. Churchill.

Now one has come to the third general as ally. It is General Winter. He already existed once. He failed back then, he will or he would fail this time as well exactly so. Indeed, the English should, if they really take such obscure generals, then they should not forget to perhaps promote their most significant general to the British Imperial Field Marshal, namely General Bluff. That is their sole solid ally, who would deserve that they actually let him have the highest promotion. They can no longer defeat us with these generals anymore - you can be convinced of that. Perhaps one can make the dumb British folk dumb with that, but the German folk has actually become acquainted with England. The babbling of Mr. Churchill or of Mr. Eden - to speak of old Chamberlain, piety forbids one that - this babbling leaves the German folk completely cold, moves it at most to laughter. There is no fitting word in our High German language for such a manifestation as Duff Cooper. There one must resort to a dialect, and here, I believe, a word has been coined only in the Bavarian, which characterizes such a man, namely: spasmodic hen [Krampfhenne]! The gentlemen can calm themselves, with these means they will not win the war. And the other means, which, thank God, are in our hands, will remain in our hands! And when the hour has struck, then we will put in the place of General Hunger or Revolution or Winter or Bluff, we will again put the General of the Deed, that means action. And then we will see who proves himself best here.

I have already pronounced the gratitude of the German folk to its soldiers in the Reichstag. These days, we are moved by gratitude to our Luftwaffe, to our valiant heroes who, day after day, fly into England and respond there to what brilliant Mr. Churchill first invented.

But today I wish to direct gratitude, above all, to the homeland for the year lying behind us, gratitude to the whole Ger-man folk, and indeed, I want to thank the German folk for its whole bearing, which it showed during this year in often not easy situations. For perhaps it is not at all known to many what it means to evacuate over 700,000 people in a few weeks in the past year. And it all went without a hitch. However, everything was also prepared among us - in contrast to the others. But what people individually took upon themselves here and there was often very difficult, and they bore it admirably. They are happy that they could now return to their homeland again.

But we must also thank all those who, in this homeland itself, carried out the most important protective measures, for which they are responsible: air defense and especially for the mighty operations of the Red Cross, which in the physicians, in the whole medical personnel, but especially in the nurses, performed a huge amount.

But we must now remember, above all, the German woman, that band of millions of women, German mothers and also German girls, who must now replace the man and who work in city and countryside, and who make sure that, on the one hand, our daily breads comes again and, on the other, that the soldier gets the necessary weapons and ammunition. At their side stand all the millions of German workers, who in the munitions factories, often very old or still very young, work so that the fighting front does not lack that from which it, in the final analysis, once collapsed in the year 1918. It is something amazing to see our folk here in the war, in its whole discipline.

We experience this precisely now at a time when Mr. Churchill introduces us to his invention of the night air raid. He does it not because these air raids are particularly effective, rather because his airforce cannot fly over Germany by day. While German pilots and German planes are over English soil day after day, an Englishman does not cross the North Sea in the light of day at all. So they come in the night and now, as you know, drop their bombs indiscriminately and without system on civilian residential districts, on farmsteads and villages. Wherever they see a light, a bomb is dropped on it.

For three months, I have not responded to this, in the view they would cease this nonsense. Mr. Churchill saw in this a sign of our weakness. You will understand that we now, night after night, give a reply, and indeed increasingly so, night after night. And if the British airforce drops 2,000 or 3,000 or 4,000 kilograms of bombs, then we not drop in one night 150,000, 180,000, 230,000, 300,000 and 400,000. And if they declare they will attack our cities to an increased degree - we will eradicate their cities! We will put a stop to these night pirates, so help us God. The hour will come, when one of the two of us breaks, and that will not be National Socialist Germany! For I have already once in my life waged such a fight to the ultimate consequence, and the opponent broke who today still sits in England on a last island in Europe.

Precisely in view of this fight, however, it is now really necessary to comprehend how important the shaping and forming of our German folk community is. We would not have been able to perform all that, if up at the front, lost and all on his own, a German soldier stood without the tie to like-minded souls in the homeland. What makes the German soldier up front strong, is the awareness and the knowledge that behind him, feverish in iron solidarity, but with fanatical will, there stands an entire folk, and indeed a folk filled with a lofty goal. And this goal goes far beyond, say, winning only this war. No, we want to build a new state. That is also why we are so hated by the others today. They have often pronounced it. They said: “Yes, your social experiments are very dangerous. If that now spreads, and if our workers as well see this, that is very worrisome. That costs billions and brings in nothing. It converts neither to a profit of the economy nor in a dividend. What is all that supposed to do? We have no interest in such developments. We welcome everything that serves mankind’s material progress, insofar as this material progress again converts economically into profit. But social experiments, what all you do, that, after all, can only lead to awakening the appetite of the masses, and finally lead to us having to descend from our pedestal. You cannot expect that from us.” One saw in us the worst example. Every institution that we created, it as not, say, adopted by the others, no, rather it was rejected, because we carried it out. They saw already in that a concession again on the path to a social legislation and this to a social development that is hated in these states. They are simply plutocracies in which a very small clique of capitalists rule these masses, and naturally in the closest tie with international Jewry, with the Freemasons. We know these friends from here, after all, our old dear coalition, System Germany, which, after all, personnel-wise as well has also in part fled there. They hate us due to our social stance, and everything that we plan or carry out based on it, appears dangerous to them. And they are of the conviction that one must eliminate this development. And I am of the conviction that the war, the future, belongs to this development. I am of the conviction that the states that do not join this development will sooner or later collapse. We see very many states in this world with unsolved social questions. They will, if they find no solution of reason, sooner or later reach a solution of lunacy.

National Socialism has prevented that in the German folk. And they now know our goal, and they know that we will tenaciously and logically champion and also achieve this goal. Hence this hatred by all the international plutocrats, this hatred by all the Jewish newspapers, by the whole world stock market and the sympathizers of all those in other lands, who think likewise or similarly as these plutocrats.

But because we know this, that this struggle, in the final analysis, is a struggle for the whole social foundation of our folk, for the substance of our life, and is directed against this substance, nothing at all remains for us than, precisely in this struggle for this ideal, to ourselves affirm this ideal ever more.

And here, the Winter Aid Work, this most splendid social assistance institution that exists at all on earth, here this Winter Aid World is also a mighty demonstration of this spirit. Everybody will believe me that we would have also been able to solve this differently. We would have been able to easily bring this about along the taxation route. We could have had everything done by public officials. But even if the financial result would have been exactly the same, for all I care, even greater, in terms of ideals, the result would not have been even close to what we have this way. For this way, it is voluntary organization of the German folk community in its practical effect - an education for the one who donates, but also an education for the other, who now himself voluntarily performs this work. For there are two people here who make a sacrifice: the one who makes a donation and the other who now administers this donation, administers it without pay. This little girl who walks down the street here and collects, supported by all the other occupations, which in rotation complete this work, up to the representatives of the state, of the economy, of the arts etc.- it is a practical education toward folk community. And that is the decisive thing, my folk comrades, for we are all somehow burdened with the traditions etc. of the past, of origin, of position, of occupation etc... Either we strike millions dead, who are irreplaceable in their other national activity, in their economic work, because they are not yet ripe for such a community, or we educate them toward this community. Those are two fundamental ideas. National Socialism has from the start represented the view that every stance is just the product of education, of habit, of inheritance, and can hence be relearned again the same way. For the child who grows up today in our folk will not be primarily born with whatever prejudices of class or occupational origin. Basically, this worm screams against this just like every other one, There is no difference at all between them. Only over the course of life are these differences artificially imposed upon them by their environment. And to eliminate this is our task, if we do not want to despair for the creation of a really organic and load-bearing human society. We have taken up this task and now begin to carry out this task in all areas, starting with the small child. As soon as the worm starts to think that one can educate it for the differences of human life, we begin with the education for the shared and then no longer let loose. And even if one or the other declares: “The results?” Yes, my dear friend, we have, after all, started just a few years ago, first in our party as community and then, soon for eight years, in the German folk. A short period, if you consider what worked in reverse for centuries, but nonetheless, in the result already now tremendous. These mighty demonstrations of our community speak for this, after all. All this would have been totally impossible twenty years ago, after all, and thirty years ago inconceivable, and forty years ago one would not have wanted it at all. Today this is already a reality. And we do this in all our areas. We educate people toward a uniform life view, to a uniform, homogenous view of duty. And we are of the conviction that, after a certain era of this education, people will be the product of this education, this means, they will then represent the new ideas the exact same way as they today in part still embody the old ones.

This is a laborious path of grinding away and of education. But we also see it, after all, in the Winter Aid Work, ft makes progress. When the first Winter Aid Work came, many people still ran around in Germany who said: “Who comes there?”, such as, well, Ludwig Schmitz, you all know him, after all, “a man with a can, so right or left, or perhaps even with a stupid comment”. That this was so and that it this has improved, one sees this, after all, in that the donations got ever bigger. Tenacity has led to success here. Gradually, even the most thickheaded representative of the old order has realized this: First, nothing helps anyway; they come again and again, and when one is gone, the next comes. Hence, second, it is better that I take it and pin it on, and third, well, actually, basically, something is really being done, after all.

What happens thereby! What wounds have we thereby healed in Germany! Where all have we helped! How could we help out people individually! What gigantic social institutions have been created! Believe it, many people are initially against such an innovation simply out of laziness, out of mental laziness. But when they first see what comes out of it, they say: “Well yes, by God, naturally one can also give something. I had not thought about it at all correctly, after all. I did not imagine it so, that such a mighty thing develops and finally that it has consequences. They are naturally, after all, really splendid deeds, works, which are achieved here.” And before the person thinks about it, he is already himself, as the most stubborn representative of earlier views, on the path toward the new Germany.

And conversely. If we would have previously told somebody thirty years ago: “Sir, here is a tin can, now stand on a street corner and now ask somebody to give you something for your folk comrades”, he would have said: “What? I’ll donate something myself, but you cannot ask that from me. I am Mr. So-And-So, or I am this or that, and I cannot do that. What are you thinking at all? And furthermore, how will I be addressed? Do I know whether somebody might say something stupid to me?” - Yes, he is no smarter than the person who says this stupid thing. One must educate people reciprocally. It is very good, if you see how stupid many people often talk. That is a wonderful education. But precisely this work has already now in so few years shown how teachable a folk body is and how much people are gripped, in the final analysis, by a great idea, but also by a great work, by a great achievement. And we grip them on all sides, after all. This education is carried out everywhere.

I know how often even earlier one spoke the words, the Napoleonic words that every soldier carries the marshal’s baton in his backpack. But that was really not to be taken literally, for normally it was once not at all conceivable for a soldier to walk this path. All that has changed up to the top. If once the highest decorations could only be given - let us say - to an officer, then today a valiant non-commissioned officer or enlisted man can just as well wear it. A world of prejudices has been torn down, a world of prejudices.

And believe me, over the course of decades, it will become ever nicer to live in this state. The tasks become ever greater, and in them we will educate our folk more and more to itself, transform it into an ever closer and more intimate community. And if then a few still people still do not want to under any circumstances, then we will one day give them an honorary burial. Those are the last representatives of a past age; and, in that regard, perhaps also still interesting. But the world, the future belongs to the young folks who solve these problems. And we have already begun with this solution and also solve it.

And the Winter Aid Work is here a mighty community proclamation of the homeland in view of the mightiest proclamations of the community of the front. For just as there a huge body, well organized, does its duty, so does this homeland stand at home and is ready for the same accomplishments and willing for any sacrifice that this struggle for our future’s existence or non-existence may put to us.

If I hence once more thank all those who, in the first Winter Aid Work, have given or were otherwise active as helpers, then I simultaneously ask you all: Fulfill your task anew in the second Winter Aid Work. The one as voluntary helper and the others as voluntary donors. Make sure than this, too, even becomes anew to the world a demonstration of our indissoluble sense of community, and that it may finally realize that the speculation in General Revolution is an idiocy and that another general stands in place of this general: the general of shared fulfillment of duty, who commands us all.

It is the spirit of our folk community that lets us endure everything and that lets our folk be strong for all conflicts and decisions of the future. In this as well, each individual helps to break the will of our enemies, in that he robs them of such illusions, he contributes his share in the spread of the knowledge of and insight into our folk. The more the other world sees that this great folk is a single community, the more it will realize how hopeless its plan is. People who are separated from each other, each walking his own path, they could break them - but 85 million who have one will, one decision and are ready for one deed, a world does not break them!