Friday, August 13, 2021

The National Socialist Critique of Democracy

 The National Socialist Critique of Democracy

Democracy is the doctrine of the equality of all human beings and of the ability of all human beings to govern themselves (Democracy, Greek = rule by the folk, rule by the masses).

The starting point of the democratic conception is:

"All men are equal."

"Everything that bears a human countenance is equal."

Not only are the peoples equal to each other (this view leads to Internationalism), but even the human beings within a folk are equal. Consequently all have equal rights, even an equal right to participate in the state. "The authority of the state comes from the people." (Weimar Constitution, Article 1.) – Since direct rule by the people is unworkable, one chooses representative democracy or parliamentary government.

Parliamentarism is the principle of vote by representatives, who make decisions through majority rule. (Parliamentarism, from Lat. parlare = to speak.)

Critique of parliamentary democracy:

1. It is not true that all men are equal. Human beings are different. The democratic principle, "to each the same,” leads directly to Communism, to the dispossession of the gifted, industrious, and thrifty (precedent: Russia). – Democracy in the modern age started with the French Revolution (1789). "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity" (“Gleichheit, Freiheit, Brüderlichkeit”) were the catchwords that ruled the entire 19th Century. The democratic principle of equality is always an instrument of the Jew for the elimination of the best racial forces. When all have equal rights (das gleiche Recht), the capable and intelligent are thereby forced onto the same level as the corrupt and stupid.

2. It is not true that the best and most capable emerge from a vote. Usually the greatest shouters, the most irresponsible, are chosen. Whoever promises the most has the greatest prospect of going to parliament. The MPs of the democratic system were in no way the elite of the nation. The principle of vote by popular representatives leads inevitably to the creation of economic or religious special-interest parties. The MPs did not represent the folk community, but mostly a specific class or group. Thereby unitary, goal-conscious state-leadership was made impossible. The bourgeois parties and the Marxist parties on the other side cancelled each other out. The power of the nation was likewise nil and could not be effectively and coherently (geschlossen) utilized abroad. International Jewry, however, tipped the balance on the scale of the parliament. – Democracy is always the reign of the Jewish money-bag; it leads to the most evil corruption.

3. It is not true that the decisions of a majority are always right and beneficial to the people. On the contrary: by no means are 51 voices against 49 voices necessarily correct. "What is the majority? Majority is nonsense. Understanding has always only been among few. One ought to weigh voices, not count them." (Schiller, Demetrius.) The individual MP conceals himself behind an anonymous majority. He has "obeyed only his conscience." Mostly however the "representatives of the people" had no conscience. Parliamentary democracy is irresponsibility elevated to a principle of government. It leads to the elimination of all authority, thus ultimately to the complete ruin of folk and state.

Adolf Hitler: "The Jewish democracy of majority rule was always merely a means to the destruction of the existing Aryan leader-class."

National Socialism is the fiercest enemy of parliamentary democracy. In opposition to that, it stands for the principle of Fuehrertum. Fuehrertum is the direction of an organization by one over-towering man. The fuehrer-principle is based on the conception of human inequality. There are the intelligent and the stupid, the industrious and the lazy, the good and the bad. The particular peoples and races are different, and so are the individual human beings within a people. – Every folk comrade is appraised according to his performance for the folk. Valuation according to performance. – The standard of valuation must be the same for every folk comrade. We National-Socialists reject preferential treatment for one class. (Examples: absolutism of the 18th Century; the Weimar System, in which the National-Socialist was a second-class person, while lower humanity could run wild with impunity; English plutocracy).

There is no privilege for any special class; all folk comrades are evaluated equally (Program, Point 9). The result of an equal evaluation of the individual person is however not the same, but different. Here this principle applies: "To each what is appropriate,"* not "To each the same," as in democracy. He who sacrifices and achieves much ought to stand higher than he who achieves little and sacrifices nothing. The National-Socialist idea of leadership (Fuehrergedanke) is founded upon a deliberate selection according to race (genetic value), character, and ability. Thus a rank-order develops. The entire folk organically arrays itself as a pyramid. The most capable and gifted member of the folk, who has prevailed through his over-towering achievements, stands at the head of the folk: he is the Leader.

In democracy the "power of the state" comes from the people. It consists in the rule of the mass. Authority (power to give orders) goes from below to above, while on the other hand, responsibility goes from above to below. Both are, however, unworkable in practice. One cannot command upward and assign accountability downward. (Examples.) Democracy thus leads directly to leaderlessness and irresponsibility. – In Fuehrertum by contrast these principles apply: authority from above to below, responsibility from below to above. The Leader appoints his lieutenants (Unterfuehrer), he gives them their orders and guidelines, and for the execution and success of these they are responsible to the Leader.

The National-Socialist movement is an example of true Fuehrertum. If a political leader or an SA-fuehrer gives an order, this must be carried out. Every follower (Gefolgsmann) can be called to account by his leaders. Because Adolf Hitler built up the NSDAP rigorously according to the fuehrer-principle, the movement inevitably prevailed against the Marxist and bourgeois mobs. – Likewise the German state, which is led by means of strict Fuehrertum, prevails against the neighboring democratic states. Against the democratic idea of the mass we National-Socialists set the idea of personality. Everything great in this world, all inventions and all cultural achievements are created by personalities. (Examples.) – Our Leader has formed a German folk out of disintegrating mass. Democracy is a symptom of decline in dying peoples (e.g. Greece, Rome, etc.) All ascending peoples are, by contrast, always led by significant personalities. – Democratic propaganda flatters the mass. Everyone would rather command than obey. Consequently democracy was beloved and the idea of leadership was often unpopular.

It is a mistake to believe that under the "people's government" it goes well for the people. On the contrary! Experience has shown that parliamentary democracy leads to the ruin of the people. A people can only experience progress (Aufstieg) when a leader (Fuehrer) stands at its head. Heroes make history!

A true leader feels that he is responsible to his people. Here Adolf Hitler is a shining example. This principle of the responsibility of the Leader to the Nation is designated "Germanic democracy." With Western parliamentary democracy, which we reject, Germanic democracy has nothing in common.

The fuehrer-principle has meaning only in service to the entire nation. To be leader carries obligations The leader is the leader not because he bears special distinctions but because he bears greater responsibility. Leadership is not a privilege but an exalted duty. To be leader is to be an example!

Adolf Hitler is the ideal leader: purposeful and inexorable, but at the same time tactically astute; industrious, never resting, moreover prudent and far-sighted; proud and righteous, but also modest and unpretentious; energetic and austere, but full of warm love for his people. From the simplest origins our Leader has worked his way up against the most difficult obstacles to become the greatest statesman in German history. We National-Socialists are proud that we are privileged to follow a man such as our Leader. He is a lofty example for us. We emulate him with all our powers.

Translated by Hadding Scott from the 16th (1940) edition of Hansjoerg Maennel's Politische Fibel

* Jedem das Seine is still the motto of the German military police.

If I was a Cat:

Wednesday, August 11, 2021

Hail Russian Power!!


Check out this SICK SHIT!!


It's this kind of absolute insanity that makes me cheer on the moslims!! Modern amerikan bullshit is why I almost converted to islam, JUST TO SPEED UP THE DEATH OF JEWS, LIBTARDS, COMMIES AND THE JOG!!!!!!!!!!!!! I shall say it again, my Nazi Komrades:





Tuesday, August 10, 2021

Protect Your Files Before They Disappear

 Protect Your Files Before They Disappear

Make sure you save any files you consider important onto an external storage device of some kind. Apple has announced they are about to begin a practice of going through the files of all their users and report or delete as they see fit.

Of course it is not just Apple.

More to come!!

Hardy Lloyd Radio: Skinhead is my Name!! (The Junkers)


Monday, August 09, 2021

Drinking in Dawntawn Austin!!

 Dawntawn is the Pittsburgh way of saying downtown.



Adolf Hitler’s Proclamation for the 23th Anniversary of the NSDAP – Read by Hermann Esser at Führer Headquarters (February 24, 1943)

 Adolf Hitler’s Proclamation for the 23th Anniversary of the NSDAP – Read by Hermann Esser at Führer Headquarters (February 24, 1943)

Party comrade Adolf Wagner, who conveyed my greetings to you in the past year, has been seriously ill for many months and is unable to attend the present rally.

I have therefore asked party comrade Esser, who as one of my first comrades in arms attended the foundation assembly of the movement, to tell you in my name what I, because of the circumstances, am unable to tell you for the second time now.

The German Wehrmacht, which fought excellently this winter, as it has done since the beginning of this war, is involved in a bitter struggle against the danger to the world instigated by the banking houses of New York and London together with the Bolshevik Jews in Moscow.

I myself am in the east and therefore unable to join you on this day.

Nevertheless, my thoughts are with you, more so this year than ever before.

After all, what fate would have awaited our Volk and all of Europe, had not those theories of the National Socialist revolution been proclaimed in this hall on February 24, 1920, theories which took hold of the German Volk and gave it the necessary force not only to restrain the Jewish danger to the world today, but also to crush it in the end! The Sturmlied of our unforgettable, dear old Dietrich Eckart is again proving to be a trumpet-call in these months. It can wake up people, open their eyes to the fate that would await all of us in the present and our children in the future-and beyond this, all European people-if we do not succeed in bringing about the failure of the devilish plan of the Jewish international criminals.

You are all aware of the circumstances, which allowed the enemy in the east, similar to the forces of nature last winter, to reverse in the course of this winter a part of those successes secured by the heroism of our soldiers in the summer. However, you also know that the path along which our party has traveled has likewise not been a secure or comfortable way to success. Instead, we suffered countless difficulties and setbacks, which the same enemies dealt to us and against whom we must fight today-against the whole world.

As I proclaimed the party program in this hall in the year 1920 and my resolution to destroy with zealousness the enemies of our Volk, I was a lonely and unknown man. Germany had suffered its most profound humiliation. The number of those who believed in its restoration was negligible, and there were even fewer who still hoped for this to happen in our generation.

The few followers who joined me at the time were opposed by the almost crushing superiority of the enemy. For every hundred National Socialists, there were millions of opponents, partly blinded, partly seething with hatred. And that is not to count those men of little faith who always wait first for the success in order to march then on the victorious side with a brave heart.

What a difference compared with the struggle of today! No matter how great the coalition of our enemies is, as a power it is less than the strength of the alliance of those people who oppose the Bolshevik-plutocratic destruction.

The struggle of the National Socialist movement was often in a position in which only the most fanatical of its faithful could still believe in a victory, while its otherwise shrewd opponents were already firmly convinced that they had killed the idea and the party. Nevertheless, our movement was born again each time; it overcame every setback and emerged stronger than before from every crisis. The party was always upheld by the unbending decision not to capitulate under any circumstances and not to give up the fight in any case, until the conspiracy of our enemies at home was crushed and eliminated.

My party comrades! I taught you this fanaticism. Please rest assured that I am today inspired by the same fanaticism, which will never leave me as long as I live. You also received this faith from me, and rest assured that this faith is stronger in me today than ever before. We will break and crush the power of the Jewish international coalition. Mankind in its struggle for its freedom, life, and daily bread, will gain the final victory in this struggle.

Just as in the time of our struggle for power, every attack by our enemies and every one of their apparent successes made me more dogged in my determination not to stray from the path that sooner or later had to lead to the victory, so too I am today suffused by the same will to persevere to the bitter end in the task which destiny has given me.

I have a right to believe that Providence has chosen me to fulfill this task.

For without its blessings, I, as an unknown man, would never have been able to set out on the path leading from this hall across so many hurdles and through so many attacks to the takeover of power and, finally, to this struggle which has been crowned by victories the like of which have never been seen in world history, but who has also been weighed down by many worries which would have broken many weaker characters.

However, I was blessed by Providence in having a sworn community around me in such hours, a community which in devoted faithfulness always regarded the common fate as its own and which always stood loyally by me, as its Fuhrer in this struggle, and will always stand by me.

As I address this message to you, I do so out of the same profound gratitude as in the past year. In you, my dear party comrades, I have found not only the first representatives of the National Socialist ideology but also of the National Socialist attitude, an attitude which has proved its worth in such an unheard-of manner in particular in times of great trial. The bourgeois opportunists failed to understand this as did the masses of our old parties, indoctrinated by Jewry.

Why should this be different today? There is only one difference: today, the gigantic throng of the German Volk stands behind the new Reich. The Volk is unconditionally determined to accept the new Reich idea, which is inspired by the National Socialist world of thought. The party has become the unshakable incarnation of this power.

Today it is the internal guarantor not only of victory, but also of the preservation of our Volk in the future. It must fulfill its second great historic task-especially during these months and perhaps in the coming years, too- which is to shake up the German nation constantly, make it aware of the magnitude of the danger, reinforce the sacred faith that will overcome, give strength to weaklings and mercilessly destroy saboteurs. It will work to enlighten in those cases where enlightenment is desired, break terror with tentimes- greater terror, exterminate traitors no matter who they might be and what disguise they are using to realize their intentions against the people (volksfeindliche Absichten).

Even if the elite of the National Socialist movement’s men confronts the enemy today and fulfills its duty as soldiers in an exemplary fashion, the old fighters remain the strongest zealots in the assertion of the German will to life.

Year after year, they are joined by a new age group from Germany’s youth, totally educated in accordance with National Socialist principles, forged together by the ideas of our Volksgemeinschaft, and willing to move against anyone who should dare to sin against our fight for freedom. And just as in the time of the party’s struggle for power, our female party comrades, our German women and girls, were the most reliable supports of the movement, so now again the multitude of our women and girls form the strongest element in the struggle for the preservation of our Volk.

After all, thank God, not only the Jews in London and New York but also those in Moscow made clear what fate might be in store for the German Volk.

We are determined to be no less clear in our answer. This fight will not end with the planned annihilation of the Aryan but with the extermination of the Jew in Europe. Beyond this, thanks to this fight, our movement’s world of thought will become the common heritage of all people, even of our enemies.

State after state will be forced, in the course of its fight against us, to apply National Socialist theories in waging this war that was provoked by them. And in so doing, it will become aware of the curse that the criminal work of Jewry has laid over all people, especially through this war.

As our enemies thought in 1923 that the National Socialist Party was defeated for good and that I was finished with in the eyes of the German Volk because of my trial, so they actually helped National Socialist ideology to spread like wildfire through the entire German Volk and convey the essence of Jewry to so many million men, as we ourselves would never have been able to do under normal circumstances. In the same manner international Jewry, which instigated this new war, will find out that nation after nation engrosses itself more and more in this question to become finally aware of the great danger presented by this international problem.

Above all, this war proves the irrefutable identity of plutocracy and Bolshevism, and the common ambition of all Jews to exploit nations and make them the slaves of their international guild of criminals.

The same alliance we once faced as our common enemies in Germany, an alliance between the stock exchange in Frankfurt and the “Red Flag” in Berlin, now again exists between the Jewish banking houses in New York, the Jewishplutocratic class of leaders in London, and the Jews in the Kremlin in Moscow.

Just as the German Volk successfully fought the Jewish enemy at home as a consequence of this realization and is now about to finish it off for good, the other nations will increasingly find themselves again in the course of this war.

Together, they will make a stand against that race that is seeking to destroy all of them.

Just as the Jews rejoiced about each supposed setback that we suffered during our struggle within the Reich, and just as they confused their feverish hopes with the hard facts, so they believe today, just as they did last winter, that they will shortly reach their thousand-year-old goal. However, just as they did last year, they will also suffer a terrible disappointment this time. On the contrary, the German Volk will now all the more summon and deploy its forces to a degree never before seen for a war in the history of mankind.

We will not hesitate one second to ask for contributions in this fateful struggle from those countries responsible for the outbreak of this war. We regard it as a matter of course that foreign lives cannot be spared at a time that demands so many difficult sacrifices of our own lives. In indissoluble, loyal association with our allies, we will carry out a mobilization of the spiritual and material values of Europe, the like of which our continent has never seen before in its millennia-old history. This is necessary in order to secure an independent ethnic life for all of Europe, a life which has been the basis not only for our great shared culture but also for the material existence of this continent.

My old party comrades, I greet you as always with an overflowing heart. I thank you for having made it possible for me at the time to start out successfully on the path that was a prerequisite for the salvation of the German Reich and for all of Europe. My thoughts are with you at this hour, just as they always are. During these months, weeks, and days, my duty forces me constantly to think and work, and prepare the coming turn of events for those who as the fighters of our Volk, together with our allies, are fashioning the fate of the world: our brothers and comrades, the German soldiers especially at the front in the east, where the future of Germany and Europe will be decided. The outcome must and will be our victory!

The Germans Weren’t Brutal Enough

 The Germans Weren’t Brutal Enough

by Dr. William L. Pierce

Follow Us: Subscribe to Newsletter

We westerners have had it pretty easy these past few centuries. Our superiority in the arts of war and peace has been so overwhelming that we have met no serious challenge from other races.

Accordingly, we have vented our aggressiveness almost exclusively on one another. The bloodshed has been enormous, but we have, nevertheless, generally exercised certain restraints. We developed a code of proper behavior in fighting one another, which, although it was often violated, still has had a generally beneficial influence. At least, its intent was thoroughly admirable.

But we are faced with an entirely new situation now — and, in fact, have been since World War 2, which was our first really major conflict in a long time in which the West was opposed by a non-Western enemy (although most Americans didn’t realize that at the time, and still don’t). We are now in the era of race war, and we had better learn a new set of rules pretty damned quick.

With the exception of the Pacific theater, the two primary forces in opposition in World War 2 were Europe and Jewry. The Germans fought for Europe, and the Americans, the British, the Russians, and the various Communist partisan groups fought for Jewry. Europe — and the West — lost the war, and one of the reasons we lost (though certainly not the only reason) was that the Germans just weren’t brutal enough. They were mentally and morally unprepared to wage war Jewish-style.

When the Germans encountered guerrilla opposition in France and in the occupied eastern and southeastern territories, they just couldn’t cope with it — much as Americans found themselves unable to cope with guerrillas in Indochina more recently. The Germans took hostages, and they even shot a few, but that was just what the guerrillas wanted them to do. The Germans never were able to solve the guerrilla problem, and they were obliged to devote a major portion of their military effort to it throughout the war.

The Red Army, on the other hand, had no such problem, for they knew exactly how to deal with guerrillas. They were perfectly prepared to depopulate a thousand square miles of occupied enemy territory — to kill every living thing, guerilla or otherwise — at the first sign of civilian resistance. Even in the Soviet Union itself, entire national groups (the Volga Germans, for example) who were considered to be a potential threat to the Soviet war effort were uprooted en masse and deported to Siberia — millions of people — with enormous suffering and loss of life. In Poland the Reds nipped any anti-Communist resistance in the bud by simply exterminating, in the Katyn Forest and elsewhere, practically the entire Polish officer corps, which , during wartime, comprised most of Poland’s leaders.

When the Red Army stormed into Germany they were egged on by the Soviet-Jewish propaganda commissar, Ilya Ehrenburg, who exhorted the Communist troops to use mass rape and murder as means to subduing the civilian population: Kill! Kill! In the German race there is nothing but evil; not one among the living, not one among the yet unborn but is evil! Follow the precepts of Comrade Stalin. Stamp out the fascist beast once and for all in its lair! Use force and break the racial pride of these Germanic women. Take them as your lawful booty. Kill! As you storm onward, kill, you gallant soldiers of the Red Army!

A great many people are evidently of the opinion that it’s better to lose a war than to sully one’s honor by stooping to Jewish tactics in order to win it. Perhaps that is so, when White people are the only ones in the arena. Then the consequences of a lost war are a loss of territory, a change of politicians, perhaps more taxes and a lower standard of living for a few decades.

But in the struggle we are now facing, infinitely more is at stake. We lost the last round, and the consequence for that loss has been more catastrophic for us than any other war in history. If we lose the next round, we lose everything forever. If the White race goes down, then the whole meaning — even any memory — of honor, of chivalry, of fair play goes down also.

Anyway, Americans are no longer entitled to make such a fuss about playing by the rules. What we have already done at the behest of the Jews — in World War 2 and since — has made a mockery of any claim to national honor we may have once had. What we flatter ourselves with by imagining as chivalry or decency is really hypocritical squeamishness. We are dangerously soft, not dangerously decent.

The fact is that we are up against an enemy who thinks nothing — absolutely nothing — of cutting throats, of gouging eyes, of liquidating prisoners by the millions, while the very thought of having to use a knife — or a crowbar — to kill an enemy is terrifying and abhorrent to the average White American. He is simply not mentally prepared to survive in the jungle which racial integration is making of America.

It is no longer a matter of preserving his principles, but of preserving his race and all its posterity, to the end of time. The average American, as already mentioned, does not seem to understand this — or to be prepared to make the necessary adjustments if he did understand it. But we in the National Alliance are not average Americans. We are people who, more that anyone else except the Jews, know exactly what is at stake. So, let us make up our minds. Are we going to do whatever is necessary to win the struggle for control of the future of this planet in which we are now engaged, or are we not? The National Alliance is no place for persons who are not sure of the answer.

Source: Internal Bulletin of the National Alliance, No. 47, January 1976 via National Vanguard

This is TOO CUTE!!